WAICO Is Launched: China’s AI Governance Body Has 29 Member Nations and No Western Democracies

Awais Khalid

July 27, 2026

WAICO AI Governance

When the signing ceremony concluded in Shanghai on July 16, 2026, the world had a new international organization that did not exist 24 hours earlier, headquartered in China, focused on artificial intelligence, and backed by 29 governments whose combined population dwarfs the G7. The World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization also had something else that was unspoken but significant: a membership list that included Russia, Kazakhstan, Pakistan, Indonesia, Brazil, Venezuela, Cuba, Belarus, Ethiopia, and Cameroon — and excluded the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France, Japan, Australia, South Korea, and India.

WAICO is not a coincidence. It is the outcome of a year-long Chinese diplomatic effort to establish a multilateral AI governance institution on terms that China finds acceptable, before the Western-led frameworks currently under construction — the G7’s Hiroshima AI Process, the EU AI Act’s international dimension, and the US-led Pax Silica supply chain initiative — can consolidate into a global default. The question WAICO raises is not whether it is a serious institution. It is. The question is what its existence means for the countries that were not in the room.

Key Developments

  • The World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization (WAICO) was formally established in Shanghai on July 16, 2026, with 29 founding member countries signing the founding agreement. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi signed on behalf of China; UN Secretary-General António Guterres attended.
  • Founding members include Russia, Kazakhstan, Pakistan, Indonesia, Laos, Brazil, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Cameroon, Serbia, Belarus, and Cuba — but no major Western democracy: not the US, UK, Germany, France, Japan, Australia, South Korea, or India.
  • WAICO is headquartered in Shanghai and will operate as an independent intergovernmental body — explicitly outside the UN system — focused on AI governance, safety, equitable access, and capacity building for member states.
  • WAICO was first proposed by Chinese Premier Li Qiang at the 2025 World AI Conference and reiterated by Xi Jinping at APEC in October 2025 — making it the product of a year-long Chinese diplomatic effort to institutionalize its vision for AI governance before Western-led frameworks solidify.

What WAICO Is and Is Not

WAICO is an independent intergovernmental organization, established outside the United Nations system, headquartered in Shanghai. Its founding agreement, as described by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, commits member states to uphold the purposes of the UN Charter, adhere to ‘extensive consultation and joint contribution for shared benefit,’ and take a people-centred approach to AI development and governance. WAICO is not an AI conference, a research institute, or an industry association. It is a permanent multilateral platform for cooperation among governments — a treaty organization of the same general type as the World Trade Organization or the International Atomic Energy Agency, though with a founding membership that is considerably more limited and a mandate that is considerably less defined than either. It is not a regulatory body: it cannot currently impose requirements on member states or on companies operating in member states. What it can do is develop standards, recommendations, and frameworks that member governments choose to implement domestically.

The Founding Members: Who Signed and Why

The Member List

The publicly confirmed founding members include Russia, Kazakhstan, Pakistan, Indonesia, Laos, Brazil, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Cameroon, Serbia, and Belarus. Indonesia’s Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs Airlangga Hartarto traveled to Shanghai specifically to sign the agreement and issued a statement describing WAICO as a forum for AI governance, ethical standards, and collaborative development. The deputy prime ministers of Kazakhstan, Laos, and Pakistan attended the signing ceremony. The complete list of all 29 signatories has not been published in full by the Chinese foreign ministry — a transparency gap that analysts have noted as inconsistent with the organization’s stated commitment to openness. Based on regional reporting from Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the membership includes countries across Sub-Saharan Africa and additional members from the ASEAN region alongside those publicly named.

The Absent Parties

What is equally telling is who did not sign. No member of the G7 sent a representative. No EU member state joined. Japan, South Korea, Australia, and India — all members of AI-focused multilateral frameworks aligned with the United States — are absent. Taiwan and Hong Kong, which are both major AI and semiconductor hubs, were not in a position to participate as independent signatories given their political relationship with Beijing. The membership architecture is not accidental. It reflects a year of Chinese diplomatic outreach targeted specifically at countries that feel excluded from or underserved by existing Western-led AI governance frameworks — and deliberately avoiding countries whose membership would require accommodating governance norms that China finds incompatible with its own approach to AI regulation.

The Institutional Backstory

WAICO was first proposed by Chinese Premier Li Qiang at the 2025 World AI Conference in Shanghai, presented as China’s response to Global South countries’ calls for a more equitable international AI governance framework. Xi Jinping elevated the proposal at the 33rd APEC summit in October 2025, using the platform to signal China’s intention to pursue the initiative bilaterally with interested countries. The year between proposal and establishment involved intensive diplomatic work: Chinese foreign ministry officials briefed potential member governments, the founding agreement was negotiated through China’s diplomatic channels, and the specific language balancing WAICO’s independence from the UN system with its stated alignment with UN principles was carefully crafted to be acceptable to countries with different geopolitical orientations.

How WAICO Compares to the UN AI Governance Process

WAICO’s establishment came nine days before the conclusion of the UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance in Geneva, the multilateral process established by UN General Assembly resolution A/RES/79/325 that aims to provide all 193 UN member states a forum for AI governance discussions. The two processes are structurally different. The UN dialogue is inclusive by design — all 193 member states are invited, no country is excluded, and its mandate is explicitly to complement rather than replace national or regional AI governance frameworks. WAICO is selective — 29 founding members, established outside the UN system, with a governance structure designed to be operationally effective rather than universally representative. As documented in our reporting on the UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance conclusions in Geneva, that dialogue concluded with no binding commitments and a second session scheduled for New York in May 2027. WAICO, by contrast, has a permanent headquarters, a signed founding agreement, and — at least on paper — a mandate to develop operational AI governance frameworks for its member states. Whether the operational substance follows the institutional form is the open question.

The Geopolitical Significance

A Rival to Western AI Governance

The emergence of two competing institutional frameworks for AI governance — one centred in Brussels, Washington, and the G7, and another being assembled in Shanghai — is the defining development in AI geopolitics that WAICO formalises. The Western framework is anchored in the EU AI Act’s regulatory approach (enforceable requirements, risk categorisation, human rights alignment), the G7 Hiroshima AI Process (principles-based voluntary cooperation among advanced economies), and the US-led export control framework (hardware restrictions designed to slow adversary AI development). WAICO represents a different approach: inclusive of the Global South, aligned with development goals, hostile to technology weaponisation, and positioned as a counterweight to frameworks that developing nations had no role in designing.

The Legitimacy Claim

The most politically significant aspect of WAICO’s founding is not its current institutional capacity — which is limited — but the legitimacy claim it enables. China can now describe its AI governance vision not as a bilateral preference or a domestic policy, but as the position of a 29-nation international organization that collectively represents a significant fraction of the world’s population and economic activity. Countries that are not WAICO members but that want to engage with the Global South on AI governance now need to address WAICO as a counterparty, not simply dismiss it as a Chinese initiative. UN Secretary-General Guterres’ attendance at the signing ceremony — lending UN institutional presence to the establishment of an organization explicitly outside the UN system — provided exactly the kind of international legitimacy signal that transforms a diplomatic initiative into an established institutional fact.

What WAICO’s Authority Actually Consists Of

WAICO’s actual governance authority at this point is limited. It has a founding agreement signed by 29 countries, a mandate to promote AI cooperation and governance, and a Shanghai headquarters. It does not have a budget figure announced, a staffing plan published, a regulatory framework adopted, or any enforcement mechanism established. The founding agreement establishes the principles and purpose of the organization but leaves implementation details for subsequent negotiation among member states. The trajectory from signing to operational significance will be determined by whether WAICO develops substantive technical standards — AI safety evaluation frameworks, data governance standards, model transparency requirements — that member states adopt domestically, or whether it remains primarily a diplomatic forum without technical content. The precedent from comparable China-led multilateral initiatives (the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization) suggests that WAICO will eventually develop substantive operational content, on a timeline of years rather than months, and that its initial governance capacity will be considerably less than its founding political statements suggest.

What Happens Next

WAICO’s first formal operational meeting — the July 17 session convened by China’s National Development and Reform Commission and Ministry of Foreign Affairs with founding member representatives — discussed future operations, global AI governance, industrial cooperation, capacity building, and technical standards. The next publicly announced milestone is the development of membership expansion processes: WAICO’s founding agreement is open to all sovereign states, and China has expressed interest in attracting additional members. The geopolitical chess move to watch is whether any country currently outside WAICO’s membership — particularly large non-Western economies like Saudi Arabia, India, Turkey, or South Africa — chooses to join, and whether any develops a meaningful institutional relationship with WAICO without formally joining.

Why It Matters

WAICO matters because it is the clearest institutional expression yet of the geopolitical fracture in AI governance. The world’s AI future is being shaped by two competing assumptions: that AI development and governance should be led by the advanced democracies with the most developed AI ecosystems, operating through frameworks designed to protect individual rights and prevent technology weaponisation; and that AI development and governance should be a multilateral exercise that includes the Global South on terms that reflect their development needs and political sovereignty, not simply the values of the countries that happen to be most advanced. WAICO is the institutional expression of the second assumption, with China as its architect and the developing world’s largest and most strategically significant nations as its initial constituency. Whether that institutional expression grows into a genuinely influential governance force, or remains a symbolic counterweight to Western-led frameworks, will be determined in the next three to five years.

Sources

Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (english.www.gov.cn), July 17, 2026. Reuters via PYMNTS, July 16, 2026. The Diplomat, July 2026. Caixin Global, July 17, 2026. Human Resources Online, July 2026. Wikipedia (WAICO). China case Substack (chinacase.substack.com), July 2026. TechTimes, July 17, 2026.

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